CARDS SECOND YEAR STUDENTS’ FINAL EXAM
Baroque, Rococo and Georgian style.
Greek architecture. Its elements
Gothic and Romanesque styles
Flight regulation at check in and during the flight
Description of a national park you choose
Duty Free dialogue
Ecotourism. Definition and examples in Salta
Pedestrian circuit
Short presentation of Salta
Hotel Description including business facilities
jueves, 29 de noviembre de 2007
Pedestrian circuit for Piaget Students
TOURIST INFORMATION
Salta city
Salta is a province situated in the north of Argentina. It borders six provinces and three countries. Its capital city has the same name: Salta. It has a strong Hispanic imprint. It is probably the city which has the strongest colonial atmosphere in Argentina. It is famous for its old, Spanish-style colonial architecture. It is surrounded by magnificent scenery and it can be said that it is one of Argentina's most beautiful cities. The city is located on the Lerma Valley, 1.152 meters above sea level. The weather is subtropical with dry season. The city was founded on April 16th 1582 by Hernando de Lerma who intended the city to be an outpost between Lima (Peru) and Buenos Aires so as to avoid calchaqui Indian attacks.
San Francisco Church
It is situated on the corner of Caseros and Córdoba street, a block in East direction from the main square. The temple we see now dates from 1870. The first temple was built in 1625. Since the construction was not very strong, a second temple was built in 1674 which was destroyed by a fire in the middle of the XVII century. The last construction began under the direction of Friar Vicente Muñoz but it was finished by Friar Luis Giorgi who modified the front giving it a higher tower, the highest in South America with 53 metres.
The temple has a library and a museum where valuable works of art and writing are kept. The bells in this temple were made with the brass of the canyons used in the Battle of Salta. The church was declared national historical monument in 1941 and minor basilica in 2001.
The Cabildo
The cabildo is on Caseros Street opposite 9 de Julio square. It was built at the foundation of the city in 1582 but the building we see today dates from the year 1783.
The building itself is a real architectural jewel from the colonial period, with simple lines typical of the viceroyalty. It is the best conserved cabildo in Argentina. There is an important museum in the Cabildo; it is the historical museum of the North. This museum keeps real treasures of the native culture from colonial times. It was declared national historical monument in 1941.
San Bernardo Convent
It is located on the corner of Caseros and Santa Fe 5 blocks East direction from the main square. This convent is the oldest religious construction in Salta. At the beginning it was the chapel of San Bernardo then it was a hospital called San Andrés. Since last century it is the monastery of the Carmelites. Its principal attraction is the door at the main entrance. It was carved in wood by native people in 1762. It is said that this door was a donation from the Cámara family whose daughter had decided to become a nun. It is considered a masterpiece of colonial art. This convent was declared national historical monument in 1941
Cathedral
It is on España street in front of 9 de Julio square. This magnificent temple was built in 1858, and it replaced the old Cathedral damaged by a fire. Its architectural style is eclectic although there are signs of classical Italian style in the façade. It has two aisles and a central nave. This church has exuberant ornamentation.
The images preserved in the cathedral are “el señor y la virgen del milagro”. They are the patrons of the city since 1692. The altar, designed in gold, is the late baroque work of the Franciscan architect Luis Giorgi. In the temple we can find the pantheon of the glory of the North which contains the tombs of many heroes from the War of Independence and some important men and women for the history of Salta such as Martín Miguel de Güemes, Rudecindo Alvarado, Facundo de Zuviría, Martina Silva de Gurruchaga, Juan Antonio Alvarez de Arenales and recently the writer Juana Manuela Gorriti among others. The Cathedral was declared national historical monument in 1947.
Candelaria Church
It is located on the corner of Alberdi and San Juan street. The original temple from 1853 collapsed being rebuilt twenty years later. During the civil war of 1884 it served as a refuge and as an improvised hospital during the cholera epidemic in 1888. The virgin who presides over the altar was brought from a farm property of La Viña in Campo Santo. The tower of this church is separated from the main body of the church. It was projected and designed by the architect Francisco Righetti. The temple has paintings of the Cuzco school.
Güemes monument
This monument is at the foot of San Bernardo hill. It is a beautiful monument which was worked in stone of the same hill. It culminates with the hero’s equestrian figure. This monument was projected and executed by the sculptor Victor Gariño. The sculptural group and the bas – reliefs that ornament the sides of stone were made in the Arsenal of war of the army. The monument was inaugurated in 1931.
20 de Febrero monument
It is in the north sector of the city. It is on Sarmiento Avenue. It has the name of the day in which the battle of salta was held. The monument was projected by Torcuato Tasso. The basement of the main part of the monument was made in the arsenal of war of the army. This basement culminates in a magnificent bronze which symbolizes the victory in the Battle of Salta.
9 DE JULIO SQUARE
The square is framed by Zuviría, Caseros, Mitre and España streets and concentrates around it some of the most significant and historical buildings of the city. It is also the only square in the country which is surrounded by cafés and restaurants. In its centre there is a monument to the memory of the General José Antonio Alvarez de Arenales, who was one of the leaders of the war of independence. There are fourteen muses around the monument which represent the number of provinces at the time of the war of independence. In its west side there is a bronze water fountain which was brought from France.
BALCARCE STREET
Balcarce Street (or La Balcarce) is a popular street in Salta. It crosses the downtown of the city, from Belgrano Avenue to the former Salta railway station. Since discos and folk pubs are situated in La Balcarce, it is a common place of entertainment for tourists and young people. The five-star hotel Alejandro I is situated on this street.
Salta city
Salta is a province situated in the north of Argentina. It borders six provinces and three countries. Its capital city has the same name: Salta. It has a strong Hispanic imprint. It is probably the city which has the strongest colonial atmosphere in Argentina. It is famous for its old, Spanish-style colonial architecture. It is surrounded by magnificent scenery and it can be said that it is one of Argentina's most beautiful cities. The city is located on the Lerma Valley, 1.152 meters above sea level. The weather is subtropical with dry season. The city was founded on April 16th 1582 by Hernando de Lerma who intended the city to be an outpost between Lima (Peru) and Buenos Aires so as to avoid calchaqui Indian attacks.
San Francisco Church
It is situated on the corner of Caseros and Córdoba street, a block in East direction from the main square. The temple we see now dates from 1870. The first temple was built in 1625. Since the construction was not very strong, a second temple was built in 1674 which was destroyed by a fire in the middle of the XVII century. The last construction began under the direction of Friar Vicente Muñoz but it was finished by Friar Luis Giorgi who modified the front giving it a higher tower, the highest in South America with 53 metres.
The temple has a library and a museum where valuable works of art and writing are kept. The bells in this temple were made with the brass of the canyons used in the Battle of Salta. The church was declared national historical monument in 1941 and minor basilica in 2001.
The Cabildo
The cabildo is on Caseros Street opposite 9 de Julio square. It was built at the foundation of the city in 1582 but the building we see today dates from the year 1783.
The building itself is a real architectural jewel from the colonial period, with simple lines typical of the viceroyalty. It is the best conserved cabildo in Argentina. There is an important museum in the Cabildo; it is the historical museum of the North. This museum keeps real treasures of the native culture from colonial times. It was declared national historical monument in 1941.
San Bernardo Convent
It is located on the corner of Caseros and Santa Fe 5 blocks East direction from the main square. This convent is the oldest religious construction in Salta. At the beginning it was the chapel of San Bernardo then it was a hospital called San Andrés. Since last century it is the monastery of the Carmelites. Its principal attraction is the door at the main entrance. It was carved in wood by native people in 1762. It is said that this door was a donation from the Cámara family whose daughter had decided to become a nun. It is considered a masterpiece of colonial art. This convent was declared national historical monument in 1941
Cathedral
It is on España street in front of 9 de Julio square. This magnificent temple was built in 1858, and it replaced the old Cathedral damaged by a fire. Its architectural style is eclectic although there are signs of classical Italian style in the façade. It has two aisles and a central nave. This church has exuberant ornamentation.
The images preserved in the cathedral are “el señor y la virgen del milagro”. They are the patrons of the city since 1692. The altar, designed in gold, is the late baroque work of the Franciscan architect Luis Giorgi. In the temple we can find the pantheon of the glory of the North which contains the tombs of many heroes from the War of Independence and some important men and women for the history of Salta such as Martín Miguel de Güemes, Rudecindo Alvarado, Facundo de Zuviría, Martina Silva de Gurruchaga, Juan Antonio Alvarez de Arenales and recently the writer Juana Manuela Gorriti among others. The Cathedral was declared national historical monument in 1947.
Candelaria Church
It is located on the corner of Alberdi and San Juan street. The original temple from 1853 collapsed being rebuilt twenty years later. During the civil war of 1884 it served as a refuge and as an improvised hospital during the cholera epidemic in 1888. The virgin who presides over the altar was brought from a farm property of La Viña in Campo Santo. The tower of this church is separated from the main body of the church. It was projected and designed by the architect Francisco Righetti. The temple has paintings of the Cuzco school.
Güemes monument
This monument is at the foot of San Bernardo hill. It is a beautiful monument which was worked in stone of the same hill. It culminates with the hero’s equestrian figure. This monument was projected and executed by the sculptor Victor Gariño. The sculptural group and the bas – reliefs that ornament the sides of stone were made in the Arsenal of war of the army. The monument was inaugurated in 1931.
20 de Febrero monument
It is in the north sector of the city. It is on Sarmiento Avenue. It has the name of the day in which the battle of salta was held. The monument was projected by Torcuato Tasso. The basement of the main part of the monument was made in the arsenal of war of the army. This basement culminates in a magnificent bronze which symbolizes the victory in the Battle of Salta.
9 DE JULIO SQUARE
The square is framed by Zuviría, Caseros, Mitre and España streets and concentrates around it some of the most significant and historical buildings of the city. It is also the only square in the country which is surrounded by cafés and restaurants. In its centre there is a monument to the memory of the General José Antonio Alvarez de Arenales, who was one of the leaders of the war of independence. There are fourteen muses around the monument which represent the number of provinces at the time of the war of independence. In its west side there is a bronze water fountain which was brought from France.
BALCARCE STREET
Balcarce Street (or La Balcarce) is a popular street in Salta. It crosses the downtown of the city, from Belgrano Avenue to the former Salta railway station. Since discos and folk pubs are situated in La Balcarce, it is a common place of entertainment for tourists and young people. The five-star hotel Alejandro I is situated on this street.
miércoles, 28 de noviembre de 2007
Franklin Institute. History III. Cards for the final exam (2nd. part)
Principles of the Classical Economics.
Thomas Maltus and David Ricardo.
Imanuel Kant and George Hegel
Karl Marx. Background
His principles.
Marx Followers
The rise of nationalism. Democracy in Great Britain. France and Germany
World War 1. Political, socio-economic causes.
Inmediate cause. Peace proposals
Fascism: Its philosophy. The fascist revolution in Italy. Mussolini: his government. His death
The rise of Hitler. Causes of the triumph of German Fascism.
Origin of the Nazi Party. The Nazi Revolution
World War 2. Concept
Causes
Inmediate cause
World war 2: Its course. Battle of Britain. Attack on Russia
The Japanese attack.
The battle of Normandy. The D- day
Peace proposals: The Atlantic charter, conference in Cairo, Yalta and Postdam
The cold war. Truman Policy. Marshal Aid. Vietam and Cuba crisis
Thomas Maltus and David Ricardo.
Imanuel Kant and George Hegel
Karl Marx. Background
His principles.
Marx Followers
The rise of nationalism. Democracy in Great Britain. France and Germany
World War 1. Political, socio-economic causes.
Inmediate cause. Peace proposals
Fascism: Its philosophy. The fascist revolution in Italy. Mussolini: his government. His death
The rise of Hitler. Causes of the triumph of German Fascism.
Origin of the Nazi Party. The Nazi Revolution
World War 2. Concept
Causes
Inmediate cause
World war 2: Its course. Battle of Britain. Attack on Russia
The Japanese attack.
The battle of Normandy. The D- day
Peace proposals: The Atlantic charter, conference in Cairo, Yalta and Postdam
The cold war. Truman Policy. Marshal Aid. Vietam and Cuba crisis
Franklin Institute. History III. Cards for the final exam (1st. part)
ABSOLUTISM:
o England
o Stuart dinasty
o The commonwealth
o The restorarion
Absolutism:
o Philosophers of absolutism
o Jean Bodin
o Thomas Hobbes
o Hugo Grotius
o Absolutism in France
French Revolution:
o Causes
o Three stages (The reign of terror, Robespierre)
o Consequences
Music and painting:
o Development of music (8th. century –romanticism)
o Painting
o Different schools, painters and their works
Napoleón:
o His importance
o His life
o His most important facts. His decline
o The Congress of Vienna
The Industrial Revolution:
o Its causes. Why did it start in Britain?
o Main discoveries and innovations of the 1st. and 2nd Industrial Revolutions
o Its consequences
o England
o Stuart dinasty
o The commonwealth
o The restorarion
Absolutism:
o Philosophers of absolutism
o Jean Bodin
o Thomas Hobbes
o Hugo Grotius
o Absolutism in France
French Revolution:
o Causes
o Three stages (The reign of terror, Robespierre)
o Consequences
Music and painting:
o Development of music (8th. century –romanticism)
o Painting
o Different schools, painters and their works
Napoleón:
o His importance
o His life
o His most important facts. His decline
o The Congress of Vienna
The Industrial Revolution:
o Its causes. Why did it start in Britain?
o Main discoveries and innovations of the 1st. and 2nd Industrial Revolutions
o Its consequences
lunes, 26 de noviembre de 2007
Practico Unit five
Instituto Jean Piaget English I Tourism 1st. Year “A” Prof. Roberto Raúl Gramajo
A) Fill in the blanks with the corresponding word or phrase
1- You can walk or if you prefer you can _______ your bike.
2- You can enjoy ____________ views from San Bernardo hill in Salta.
3- You can buy single or __________ tickets in this airline.
4- Victoria Plaza hotel has got rooms _________ 9 de Julio square.
5- This is a well-known hotel. It is a _______ hotel
6- This is a one star hotel, consequently it doesn’t have an __________ bathroom
7- This is a five star hotel. It has __________ equipped bathrooms.
8- This hotel is new. It is __________
9- The rooms are extremely big; that is, they are __________
10- The rooms are big. They are very _____________
11- The restaurant in five star hotels produces _______ to the highest international standard
12- The people who work at a hotel are the ____________
13- The hotel offers cable T.V. and ___________ television
14- The “pensione de pozzo” has a family ____________
15- Sheraton hotel offers perfect service. Its service is ____________
16- Salta hotel is a _________ one in Salta. It is very old.
17- Salta has got a lot of tourist ____________
18- Rooms have _________ furnishings in this hotel
19- Ritz is a _________ hotel. There are Ritz hotels all over the world.
20- Presidente hotel is a __________ hotel in Belgrano Avenue. It’s elegant.
21- Pregnant women have __________ in a long queue.
22- One star hotel offer _________ accommodation
23- Old people can explore the city on a canal boat. It is convenient for the ___________ and families with young children.
24- If your clothes are dirty you can take them to the __________.
25- If you do everything correct it means you are ___________
26- If you are kind it means that you are ______________
27- If I want to make a telephone call, I don’t have to ask the operator because the hotel offers __________ ___________ telephone
28- I had a shower and I used the ________________ because my hair was wet and humid.
29- I can have sandwiches in my room at 2 o’clock in the morning because the hotel offers 24 hour _________ _____________
30- Four star hotels offer more extensive ____________ than the 2 star ones.
B) Write comparative
1- Aconcagua /high/ San Bernardo Hill
2- Boca Juniors / popular / River Plate
3- Britney Spears /sensual/ Shakira
4- Jujuy/ beautiful / Salta
5- Lionel Messi / good/ Carlos Tévez
6- Lucy /beautiful / Janet
7- Parana /long/ Arenales river
8- Peter / fat/ Robert
9- River Plate /wide/ Parana river
10- Salta hotel / well-known/ Cristian Hotel
11- Sheraton /modern/ Shaward hotel
12- Tito Hotel / bad/ Cumbre hotel
13- Victoria Plaza Hotel / cheap/ Cumbre Hotel
A) Fill in the blanks with the corresponding word or phrase
1- You can walk or if you prefer you can _______ your bike.
2- You can enjoy ____________ views from San Bernardo hill in Salta.
3- You can buy single or __________ tickets in this airline.
4- Victoria Plaza hotel has got rooms _________ 9 de Julio square.
5- This is a well-known hotel. It is a _______ hotel
6- This is a one star hotel, consequently it doesn’t have an __________ bathroom
7- This is a five star hotel. It has __________ equipped bathrooms.
8- This hotel is new. It is __________
9- The rooms are extremely big; that is, they are __________
10- The rooms are big. They are very _____________
11- The restaurant in five star hotels produces _______ to the highest international standard
12- The people who work at a hotel are the ____________
13- The hotel offers cable T.V. and ___________ television
14- The “pensione de pozzo” has a family ____________
15- Sheraton hotel offers perfect service. Its service is ____________
16- Salta hotel is a _________ one in Salta. It is very old.
17- Salta has got a lot of tourist ____________
18- Rooms have _________ furnishings in this hotel
19- Ritz is a _________ hotel. There are Ritz hotels all over the world.
20- Presidente hotel is a __________ hotel in Belgrano Avenue. It’s elegant.
21- Pregnant women have __________ in a long queue.
22- One star hotel offer _________ accommodation
23- Old people can explore the city on a canal boat. It is convenient for the ___________ and families with young children.
24- If your clothes are dirty you can take them to the __________.
25- If you do everything correct it means you are ___________
26- If you are kind it means that you are ______________
27- If I want to make a telephone call, I don’t have to ask the operator because the hotel offers __________ ___________ telephone
28- I had a shower and I used the ________________ because my hair was wet and humid.
29- I can have sandwiches in my room at 2 o’clock in the morning because the hotel offers 24 hour _________ _____________
30- Four star hotels offer more extensive ____________ than the 2 star ones.
B) Write comparative
1- Aconcagua /high/ San Bernardo Hill
2- Boca Juniors / popular / River Plate
3- Britney Spears /sensual/ Shakira
4- Jujuy/ beautiful / Salta
5- Lionel Messi / good/ Carlos Tévez
6- Lucy /beautiful / Janet
7- Parana /long/ Arenales river
8- Peter / fat/ Robert
9- River Plate /wide/ Parana river
10- Salta hotel / well-known/ Cristian Hotel
11- Sheraton /modern/ Shaward hotel
12- Tito Hotel / bad/ Cumbre hotel
13- Victoria Plaza Hotel / cheap/ Cumbre Hotel
viernes, 23 de noviembre de 2007
Instituto Jean Piaget English I Tourism 1st. Year “A” Prof. Roberto Raúl Gramajo
A) Fill in the blanks with the corresponding word or phrase
1- You can walk or if you prefer you can _______ your bike.
2- You can enjoy ____________ views from San Bernardo hill in Salta.
3- You can buy single or __________ tickets in this airline.
4- Victoria Plaza hotel has got rooms _________ 9 de Julio square.
5- This is a well-known hotel. It is a _______ hotel
6- This is a one star hotel, consequently it doesn’t have an __________ bathroom
7- This is a five star hotel. It has __________ equipped bathrooms.
8- This hotel is new. It is __________
9- The rooms are extremely big; that is, they are __________
10- The rooms are big. They are very _____________
11- The restaurant in five star hotels produces _______ to the highest international standard
12- The people who work at a hotel are the ____________
13- The hotel offers cable T.V. and ___________ television
14- The “pensione de pozzo” has a family ____________
15- Sheraton hotel offers perfect service. Its service is ____________
16- Salta hotel is a _________ one in Salta. It is very old.
17- Salta has got a lot of tourist ____________
18- Rooms have _________ furnishings in this hotel
19- Ritz is a _________ hotel. There are Ritz hotels all over the world.
20- Presidente hotel is a __________ hotel in Belgrano Avenue. It’s elegant.
21- Pregnant women have __________ in a long queue.
22- One star hotel offer _________ accommodation
23- Old people can explore the city on a canal boat. It is convenient for the ___________ and families with young children.
24- If your clothes are dirty you can take them to the __________.
25- If you do everything correct it means you are ___________
26- If you are kind it means that you are ______________
27- If I want to make a telephone call, I don’t have to ask the operator because the hotel offers __________ ___________ telephone
28- I had a shower and I used the ________________ because my hair was wet and humid.
29- I can have sandwiches in my room at 2 o’clock in the morning because the hotel offers 24 hour _________ _____________
30- Four star hotels offer more extensive ____________ than the 2 star ones.
B) Write comparative or superlative sentences
1- Aconcagua /high/ San Bernardo Hill
2- Barcelona /important/ in the planet
3- Boca Juniors / popular / River Plate
4- Britney Spears /sensual/ Shakira
5- Jujuy/ beautiful / Salta
6- Lionel Messi / good/ in Argentina
7- Lucy /beautiful / Janet
8- Parana /long/ in Argentina
9- Peter / fat/ in the class
10- River Plate /wide/ in the world
11- Salta hotel / well-known/ in Salta
12- Sheraton /modern/ in Salta
13- The Everest/ high/ in the world
14- Tito Hotel / bad/ in Salta
15- Victoria Plaza Hotel / cheap/ Cumbre Hotel
C) Write the symbols for the following icons
A) Fill in the blanks with the corresponding word or phrase
1- You can walk or if you prefer you can _______ your bike.
2- You can enjoy ____________ views from San Bernardo hill in Salta.
3- You can buy single or __________ tickets in this airline.
4- Victoria Plaza hotel has got rooms _________ 9 de Julio square.
5- This is a well-known hotel. It is a _______ hotel
6- This is a one star hotel, consequently it doesn’t have an __________ bathroom
7- This is a five star hotel. It has __________ equipped bathrooms.
8- This hotel is new. It is __________
9- The rooms are extremely big; that is, they are __________
10- The rooms are big. They are very _____________
11- The restaurant in five star hotels produces _______ to the highest international standard
12- The people who work at a hotel are the ____________
13- The hotel offers cable T.V. and ___________ television
14- The “pensione de pozzo” has a family ____________
15- Sheraton hotel offers perfect service. Its service is ____________
16- Salta hotel is a _________ one in Salta. It is very old.
17- Salta has got a lot of tourist ____________
18- Rooms have _________ furnishings in this hotel
19- Ritz is a _________ hotel. There are Ritz hotels all over the world.
20- Presidente hotel is a __________ hotel in Belgrano Avenue. It’s elegant.
21- Pregnant women have __________ in a long queue.
22- One star hotel offer _________ accommodation
23- Old people can explore the city on a canal boat. It is convenient for the ___________ and families with young children.
24- If your clothes are dirty you can take them to the __________.
25- If you do everything correct it means you are ___________
26- If you are kind it means that you are ______________
27- If I want to make a telephone call, I don’t have to ask the operator because the hotel offers __________ ___________ telephone
28- I had a shower and I used the ________________ because my hair was wet and humid.
29- I can have sandwiches in my room at 2 o’clock in the morning because the hotel offers 24 hour _________ _____________
30- Four star hotels offer more extensive ____________ than the 2 star ones.
B) Write comparative or superlative sentences
1- Aconcagua /high/ San Bernardo Hill
2- Barcelona /important/ in the planet
3- Boca Juniors / popular / River Plate
4- Britney Spears /sensual/ Shakira
5- Jujuy/ beautiful / Salta
6- Lionel Messi / good/ in Argentina
7- Lucy /beautiful / Janet
8- Parana /long/ in Argentina
9- Peter / fat/ in the class
10- River Plate /wide/ in the world
11- Salta hotel / well-known/ in Salta
12- Sheraton /modern/ in Salta
13- The Everest/ high/ in the world
14- Tito Hotel / bad/ in Salta
15- Victoria Plaza Hotel / cheap/ Cumbre Hotel
C) Write the symbols for the following icons
Practico Unit 4
Instituto Jean Piaget English I Tourism Prof. Raúl Roberto Gramajo
Name:
Course
Date
English exam
A) Vocabulary. Fill in the blanks with the corresponding word
1- They have three children from 1 to 3 years old.. They are a family with ___________ ___________
2- They are 21 and 22 years old and they have just got married. They are a young ________ couple
3- There is a ___________ at the summit of San Bernardo hill
4- There are a lot of ______________ on Balcarce street in Salta
5- There are 25 million ________________ who can vote in Argentina for the next elections.
6- The Salta hasn’t´got a _______________. The tallest building is an eight floor one
7- The Salta Club in Salta in Alberdi Street was _____________ last month
8- The only _______________ is an uncomfortable sofa.
9- The male tiger ______________ two baby tigers
10- The industrial ______________ in Buenos Aires is full of Ships and boats.
11- The ________ in Buenos Aires is in Santa Fe Avenue. Near Italia square
12- Subway in British English is _____________ in American English
13- Snowflake was the ___________ of Barcelona’s zoo
14- She has never had sex before. It is her ________ _________
15- My bed is not comfortable. It´s _______________
16- Mr. Antoni Gaudí was a Spanish _________________
17- Mr. Antoni Gaudí didn´t like _________ lines
18- Lorry in British English is _______________ in American English
19- Let’s go to “Mónaco” ___________ to have a coffee. It´s opposite 9 de Julio square
20- La Veloz del Norte five - star hotel in front of Güemes square is still _________
21- In Barcelona´s zoo there are dolphins and _____________ shows
22- I am very cold. I put three ____________ on my bed last night.
23- Gaudí __________ the parc Güell
24- Gasoline in American English is _______________ in British English.
25- Barcelona Played its first ________ _________ on 8 December 1899
26- Barcelona Football club moved to its ________ stadium in 1957
27- Barcelona Football club is a symbol of Catalan ______________
28- Antoní Gaudí loved _____________ shapes
29- “Delmi” stadium in Salta has got ____________ for 10.000 spectators.
B) Make questions and answer them with personal information. Use What, where, who, why, how long, how much and when
1- ____________ does a Marcelo Tinelli’s show last?
2- _____________ were you born?
3- ______________you study tourism?
4- _______________ is your Geography teacher?
5- ________________ is the fee at Jean Piaget school?
6- ________________ were you born?
7- ____________time do you finish class everyday?
C) Simple past. Turn these sentences into the negative
1- They broke three windows last night
2- Roger Federer won the U.S. open last year
3- Cesar Pelli built the Petronas Tower in Malasya
4- He saw two movies last weekend
5- I read “El Tribuno” newspaper last Sunday
D) Correct the following sentences
1- Did he played football last night?
2- I study very hard yesterday
3- I didn´t rode a horse yesterday
4- She cutted her finger last week
5- They didn´t took the plane last night.
E) Give directions. From the corner of La Rioja and Alberdi to
1- San Bernardo convent
2- Marilian Hotel
3- San Francisco Church
4- La Posta restaurant
5- Presidente Hotel
Name:
Course
Date
English exam
A) Vocabulary. Fill in the blanks with the corresponding word
1- They have three children from 1 to 3 years old.. They are a family with ___________ ___________
2- They are 21 and 22 years old and they have just got married. They are a young ________ couple
3- There is a ___________ at the summit of San Bernardo hill
4- There are a lot of ______________ on Balcarce street in Salta
5- There are 25 million ________________ who can vote in Argentina for the next elections.
6- The Salta hasn’t´got a _______________. The tallest building is an eight floor one
7- The Salta Club in Salta in Alberdi Street was _____________ last month
8- The only _______________ is an uncomfortable sofa.
9- The male tiger ______________ two baby tigers
10- The industrial ______________ in Buenos Aires is full of Ships and boats.
11- The ________ in Buenos Aires is in Santa Fe Avenue. Near Italia square
12- Subway in British English is _____________ in American English
13- Snowflake was the ___________ of Barcelona’s zoo
14- She has never had sex before. It is her ________ _________
15- My bed is not comfortable. It´s _______________
16- Mr. Antoni Gaudí was a Spanish _________________
17- Mr. Antoni Gaudí didn´t like _________ lines
18- Lorry in British English is _______________ in American English
19- Let’s go to “Mónaco” ___________ to have a coffee. It´s opposite 9 de Julio square
20- La Veloz del Norte five - star hotel in front of Güemes square is still _________
21- In Barcelona´s zoo there are dolphins and _____________ shows
22- I am very cold. I put three ____________ on my bed last night.
23- Gaudí __________ the parc Güell
24- Gasoline in American English is _______________ in British English.
25- Barcelona Played its first ________ _________ on 8 December 1899
26- Barcelona Football club moved to its ________ stadium in 1957
27- Barcelona Football club is a symbol of Catalan ______________
28- Antoní Gaudí loved _____________ shapes
29- “Delmi” stadium in Salta has got ____________ for 10.000 spectators.
B) Make questions and answer them with personal information. Use What, where, who, why, how long, how much and when
1- ____________ does a Marcelo Tinelli’s show last?
2- _____________ were you born?
3- ______________you study tourism?
4- _______________ is your Geography teacher?
5- ________________ is the fee at Jean Piaget school?
6- ________________ were you born?
7- ____________time do you finish class everyday?
C) Simple past. Turn these sentences into the negative
1- They broke three windows last night
2- Roger Federer won the U.S. open last year
3- Cesar Pelli built the Petronas Tower in Malasya
4- He saw two movies last weekend
5- I read “El Tribuno” newspaper last Sunday
D) Correct the following sentences
1- Did he played football last night?
2- I study very hard yesterday
3- I didn´t rode a horse yesterday
4- She cutted her finger last week
5- They didn´t took the plane last night.
E) Give directions. From the corner of La Rioja and Alberdi to
1- San Bernardo convent
2- Marilian Hotel
3- San Francisco Church
4- La Posta restaurant
5- Presidente Hotel
Origins of the term
The term "Cold War" used in a sense that referred to the tensions of a state like the Soviet Union and its neighbors was coined by George Orwell in an essay titled "You and the Atomic Bomb." The essay was first published October 19, 1945 in the London Tribune. In an excerpt from this essay Orwell wrote:
“ For forty or fifty years past, Mr. H. G. Wells and others have been warning us that man is in danger of destroying himself with his own weapons, leaving the ants or some other gregarious species to take over. Anyone who has seen the ruined cities of Germany will find this notion at least thinkable. Nevertheless, looking at the world as a whole, the drift for many decades has been not towards anarchy but towards the reimposition of slavery. We may be heading not for general breakdown but for an epoch as horribly stable as the slave empires of antiquity. James Burnham's theory has been much discussed, but few people have yet considered its ideological implications — that is, the kind of world-view, the kind of beliefs, and the social structure that would probably prevail in a state which was at once unconquerable and in a permanent state of 'cold war' with its neighbours. ”
The term "cold war" had been used before in a political sense. On March 26, 1938, The Nation ran the headline "Hitler's Cold War". According to Luis Garcia Arias, in his work El Concepto de Guerra y la Denominada "Guerra Fria" (1956), the term was first used by a thirteenth-century Spanish writer named Don Juan Manuel, who used the term "guerra fria" ("cold war") to refer to the coexistence of Islam and Christendom in medieval Spain.
The term "Cold War" was originally thought to have been coined by Bernard Baruch. The Cassell Companion to Quotations cites a speech Baruch gave in South Carolina, April 16, 1947 in which he said, "Let us not be deceived: we are today in the midst of a cold war." The Cassell Companion notes: "The phrase was suggested to Baruch by his speechwriter, Herbert Bayard Swope, who had been using it privately since 1940. The columnist Walter Lippmann gave the term wide currency and is sometimes mistakenly credited with coining it. Swope clearly coined it: Baruch gave it currency. "
Bartlett's Familiar Quotations lists a slight variation on Baruch's quote listing it as "We are in the midst of a cold war which is getting warmer", which Baruch used in a speech before the Senate Committee in 1948 (Bartlett's says he first used the term in 1947).
Pre-Cold War
There is some disagreement over what constitutes the beginning of the Cold War. While most historians say that it began in the period just after World War II, some say that it began towards the end of World War I, though tensions between Russia/USSR and Britain and the United States date back to the middle of the 19th century.
The ideological clash between communism and capitalism began in 1917 following the Russian Revolution, when the USSR emerged as the first major communist power. This was the first event which made Russian-American relations a matter of major, long-term concern to the leaders in each country.
Several events led to suspicion and distrust between the United States and the Soviet Union: US intervention in Russia supporting the White Army in the Bolshevik Revolution, the separate peace treaty which led to Russia's withdrawal from World War I, the Bolsheviks' challenge to capitalism[4], the US refusal to recognize the Soviet Union until 1933[5]. Other events in the period immediately before WWII increased this suspicion and distrust. The British appeasement of Germany and the German-Soviet Non-aggression Pact[5] are two notable examples.
World War II and Post-War (1939-1947)
During the war, the Soviets strongly suspected that the Anglo-Americans had opted to let the Russians bear the brunt of the war effort, to insert themselves only at the last minute so as to influence the peace settlement and dominate Europe. Historians such as John Lewis Gaddis dispute this claim, citing other military and strategic calculations for the timing of the Normandy invasion. Nevertheless, Soviet perceptions (or misconceptions) of the West and vice versa left a strong undercurrent of tension and hostility between the Allied powers.
There was severe disagreement between the Allies about how Europe should look following the war. Both sides, moreover, held very dissimilar ideas regarding the establishment and maintenance of post-war security. The Americans tended to understand security in situational terms, assuming that, if US-style governments and markets were established as widely as possible, countries could resolve their differences peacefully, through international organizations.Soviet leaders, however, tended to understand security in terms of space.This reasoning was conditioned by Russia's historical experiences, given the frequency with which the country had been invaded over the last 150 years.
At the Yalta Conference in February 1945, the Allies attempted to define the framework for a post-war settlement in Europe but could not reach a firm consensus. Following the Allied victory in May, the Soviets effectively occupied Eastern Europe, while the US had much of Western Europe. In occupied Germany, the US and the Soviet Union established zones of occupation and a loose framework for four-power control with the ailing French and British.
Harry S. Truman and Joseph Stalin meeting at the Potsdam Conference on July 18, 1945. From left to right, first row: Stalin, Truman, Soviet Ambassador Andrei Gromyko, Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, and Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov. Second row: Truman confidant Harry Vaughan, Russian interpreter Charles Bohlen, Truman naval aide James K. Vardaman, Jr., and Charles Griffith Ross (partially obscured) .At the Potsdam Conference, starting in late July, serious differences emerged over the future development of Germany and Eastern Europe. One week after the end of the Potsdam Conference, the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki added to Soviet distrust of the United States. Shortly after the attacks, Stalin protested to US officials when Truman offered the Soviets little real influence in occupied Japan.
In February 1946, George F. Kennan's "Long Telegram" from Moscow helped to articulate the growing hard line that was being taken against the Soviets. On September 6, 1946, James F. Byrnes made a speech in Germany, repudiating the Morgenthau Plan and warning the Soviets that the US intended to maintain a military presence in Europe indefinitely. (see Restatement of Policy on Germany) As Byrnes admitted one month later, "The nub of our program was to win the German people [...] it was a battle between us and Russia over minds [....]"A few weeks after the release of this "Long Telegram", former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill delivered his famous "Iron Curtain" speech in Fulton, Missouri. The speech called for an Anglo-American alliance against the Soviets, whom he accused of establishing an "iron curtain" from "Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic."
From "Containment" through the Korean War (1947-1953)
Main article: Cold War (1947-1953)
By 1947, Truman's advisors were worried that time was running out to counter the influence of the Soviet Union.[13] In Europe, post-war economic recovery was faltering, and shortages of food and other essential consumer goods were common. Truman's advisors feared that the Soviet Union was seeking to weaken the position of the US in a period of post-war confusion and collapse.
The event which spurred Truman on to announce formally the US's adopting the policy of "containment" was the British government's announcement in February 1947 that it could no longer afford to finance the Greek monarchical military regime in its civil war against communist-led insurgents. (See Greek Civil War.) Rather than view this war as a civil conflict revolving around domestic issues, US policymakers interpreted it as a Soviet effort; however, the insurgents were helped by Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslavia, not Moscow.[5] Secretary of State Dean Acheson accused the Soviet Union of conspiracy against the Greek royalists in an effort to "expand" into the Middle East, Asia, and Africa, and in March 1947 the administration unveiled the "Truman Doctrine". It "must be the policy of the United States," Truman declared, "to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or outside pressures."
Truman rallied Americans in his famous "Truman Doctrine" speech to spend $400,000,000 on intervention in the civil war in Greece. In order to mobilize an unfriendly Republican Congress, the Democratic president painted the conflict as a contest between "free" peoples and "totalitarian" regimes, thus dramatically heightening the rhetorical stakes of the conflict.[5] By aiding Greece, Truman set a precedent for US aid to regimes, no matter how repressive and corrupt, that requested help to fight communists. [5]
Without the assistance of huge capital resources to rebuild industry transferred from the United States, Western European economies failed to recover from the enormous wartime destruction of the region's infrastructure. Communist parties, meanwhile, were winning large votes in free elections in countries such as France and Italy. American policymakers were worried that economic conditions in Western Europe might deteriorate to the point where communist parties could seize power there, too, through free elections or popular revolutions.[15] Some US policymakers also feared that their own economy might suffer unless effective demand for their exports in Western Europe was restored.[16]
For US policymakers, threats to Europe's balance of power were not necessarily military ones, but a political and economic challenge.[13] George Kennan helped to summarise the problem at the State Department Planning Staff in May 1947: "Communist activities" were not "the root of the difficulties of Western Europe" but rather "the disruptive effects of the war on the economic, political, and social structure of Europe."[17] According to this view, the Communists were "exploiting the European crisis" to gain power.[17] In June, following the recommendations of the State Department Planning Staff, the Truman Doctrine was complemented by the Marshall Plan, a pledge of economic assistance aimed at rebuilding the Western political-economic system and countering perceived threats to Europe's balance of power, which the US had gone to war to restore, from the radical left.[18]
After lobbying by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Generals Clay and Marshall, the Truman administration finally realised that economic recovery in Europe could not go forward without the reconstruction of the German industrial base on which it had previously had been dependent.[19]
In July, Truman rescinded, on "national security grounds",[20] the punitive Morgenthau plan JCS 1067, which had directed the US forces of occupation in Germany to "take no steps looking toward the economic rehabilitation of Germany." It was replaced by JCS 1779, which stressed instead that "[a]n orderly, prosperous Europe requires the economic contributions of a stable and productive Germany."[21]
President Truman signs the National Security Act Amendment of 1949 with guests in the Oval Office.Also in July, Truman reorganised his government to fight the Cold War. The National Security Act of 1947, signed by Truman on July 26, created a unified Department of Defence, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the National Security Council. These would become the main bureaucracies for US policy in the Cold War.[22]
The twin policies of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan led to billions in economic and military aid to Western Europe, and Greece and Turkey. With US assistance, the Greek military won its civil war, and the Italian Christian Democrats defeated the powerful Communist-Socialist alliance in the elections of 1948.[22]
European economic alliances
European military alliancesThe US consolidated its new role as leader of the West. In retaliation to Western moves to reunite West Germany, Stalin built blockades to block western access to West Berlin, but Truman maintained supply lines to the enclave by flying supplies in over the blockade from 1948 to '49. (see Berlin Blockade)
The US formally allied itself to the Western European states in the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949, establishing the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Stalin countered by tying together the economies of the Eastern bloc in a Soviet-led version of the Marshall Plan, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON), and exploding the first Soviet atomic device in August 1949.[5]
The US took the lead in re-establishing West Germany from the three Western zones of occupation in 1949.[11] To counter this Western reorganisation of Germany, the Soviet Union proclaimed its zone of occupation in Germany the "German Democratic Republic" in 1949.[11] In the early 1950s, the US worked for the rearmament of West Germany and, in 1955, its full membership to NATO.[11]
In 1949 Mao's Red Army defeated the US-backed Kuomintang regime in China. Shortly afterwards, the Soviet Union created an alliance with the new People's Republic of China. Confronted with the Chinese Revolution and the end of the US atomic monopoly in 1949, the Truman administration quickly moved to escalate and expand the containment policy.[5] In a secret 1950 document, NSC-68, Truman administration officials proposed to reinforce pro-Western alliance systems and quadruple spending on defence.[5]
US officials moved thereafter to expand "containment" into Asia, Africa, and Latin America.[citation needed] At the same time, revolutionary nationalist movements, often led by Communist parties, were fighting against the restoration of Europe's colonial empires in South-East Asia. The US formalised an alliance with Japan in the early 1950s, thereby guaranteeing Washington a number of long-term military bases. Truman also brought other states, including Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and the Philippines, into a series of alliances.[11]
To Stalin's surprise, Truman committed US forces to drive back the North Koreans.[5] Public opinion in countries such as Great Britain, usual allies of the U.S., was divided for and against the war. British Attorney General Sir Hartley Shawcross repudiated the sentiment of those opposed when he said "I know there are some who think that the horror and devastation of a world war now would be so frightful, whoever won, and the damage to civilization so lasting, that it would be better to submit to Communist domination. I understand that view - but I reject it. [23] In 1953, the Korean War ended in stalemate, but the US gradually got itself entangled in another civil war. The US supported the South Vietnamese government against North Vietnam, which was backed by the Soviet Union and China.[11]
Crisis and escalation (1953-1962)
Main article: Cold War (1953-1962)
The United States was the leading superpower of the capitalist west.
The Soviet Union was the leading superpower of the communist east.In 1953 changes in political leadership on both sides shifted the dynamic of the Cold War.[22] Dwight D. Eisenhower was inaugurated president in January 1953. During the last 18 months of the Truman administration, the US defense budget had quadrupled; and Eisenhower resolved to reduce military spending by brandishing the United States' nuclear superiority while continuing to fight the Cold War effectively.[5] In March Joseph Stalin died, and the Soviets, now led by Nikita Khrushchev, moved away from Stalin's policies.[22]
Eisenhower's secretary of state, John Foster Dulles initiated a "New Look" for the "containment" strategy, calling for a greater reliance on nuclear weapons to US enemies.[22] Dulles also enunciated the doctrine of "massive retaliation," threatening a severe U.S response to any Soviet aggression. Possessing nuclear superiority, for example, Eisenhower curtailed Soviet threats to intervene in the Middle East during the 1956 Suez Crisis.[5]
There was a slight relaxation of tensions after Stalin's death in 1953, but the Cold War in Europe remained an uneasy armed truce.[24] US troops seemed stationed indefinitely in West Germany and Soviet forces seemed indefinitely stationed throughout Eastern Europe. To counter West German rearmament, the Soviets established a formal alliance with the Eastern European Communist states termed the Warsaw Pact Treaty Organization or Warsaw Pact in 1955.[11] In 1956, the status quo was briefly threatened in Hungary, when the Soviets invaded rather than allow the Hungarians to move out of their orbit (see Hungarian Revolution of 1956). Berlin remained divided and contested. In 1961, the East Germans erected the "Berlin Wall" to prevent the movement of East Berliners into West Berlin.
In the US, Wisconsin senator Joseph McCarthy emerged as an influential proponent of a hard-line stance on the Cold War. Although the president quietly deplored his demagoguery, the senator exploited anti-Soviet sentiment when alleging a communist conspiracy to take over the US government, leading to a massive political witch-hunt.
During the 1950s, the Third World was an increasingly important arena of Cold War competition. After the Second World War, the US emerged as the predominant power in the Third World, filling the vacuum of the old imperial hegemony of its principal Cold War allies—the traditional Western European colonial powers (particularly the UK, France, and the Netherlands).[25] However, nationalists in many postcolonial states were often unsympathetic to the Western bloc. [26] Adjusting to decolonization, meanwhile, was a difficult process economically and psychologically for European powers; and NATO suffered, as it included all the world's major colonial empires.[27]
Nationalist movements in some countries and regions, notably Guatemala, Iran, the Philippines, and Indochina were often allied with communist groups—or at least were perceived in the West to be allied with communists.[22] In this context, the US and the Soviet Union increasingly competed for influence by proxy in the Third World as decolonization gained momentum in the 1950s and early 1960s. The US government utilized the CIA in order to remove a string of unfriendly Third World governments and to support others.[22] The US used the CIA to overthrow governments suspected by Washington of turning pro-Soviet, including Iran's first democratically elected government under Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh in 1953 (see Operation Ajax) and Guatemala's democratically-elected president Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in 1954 (see Operation PBSUCCESS) Between 1954 and 1961, the US sent economic aid and military advisors to stem the collapse of South Vietnam's pro-Western regime.[5]
Many emerging nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America rejected the pressure to choose sides in the East-West competition. In 1955, at the Bandung Conference in Indonesia dozens of Third World governments resolved to stay out of the Cold War. The consensus reach at Bandung culminated with the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961.[22] Meanwhile, Khrushchev broadened Moscow's policy to establish ties with India and other key neutral states. Independence movements in the Third World transformed the postwar order into a more pluralistic world of decolonized African and Middle Eastern nations and of rising nationalism in Asia and Latin America.[5]
Above the leaders of the major Non-Aligned states meet at the United Nations in New York in October 1960. From left to right: Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India, President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, President Sukarno of Indonesia and President Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia.During the 1950s, the US and the USSR pursued nuclear rearmament and developed long-range weapons with which they could strike the territory of the other.[11] The Soviets developed their own hydrogen bomb and, in 1957, launched the first earth satellite. However, the period after 1956 was marked by serious setbacks for the Soviet Union, most notably the breakdown of the Sino-Soviet alliance. (see Sino-Soviet Split) Before Khrushchev's ousting in 1964, the Soviets focused on a bitter rivalry with Mao's China for leadership of the global communist movement.
The nuclear arms race brought the two superpowers to the brink of nuclear war. Khrushchev formed an alliance with Fidel Castro after the Cuban Revolution in 1959. In 1962, President John F. Kennedy responded to the installation of nuclear missiles in Cuba with a naval blockade—a show of force that brought the world close to nuclear war. [28] The Cuban Missile Crisis showed that neither superpower was ready to use nuclear weapons for fear of the other's retaliation, and thus of mutually assured destruction. The aftermath of the crisis led to the first efforts at nuclear disarmament and improving relations. [24]
From confrontation through détente (1962-1979)
Main article: Cold War (1962-1979)
On April 29, 1975, the last U.S. helicopters remove Americans and friends from Saigon as South Vietnam falls.In the course of the 1960s and 1970s, both the U.S. and the Soviet Union struggled to adjust to a new, more complicated pattern of international relations in which the world was no longer divided into two clearly opposed blocs by the two superpowers.[29] Since the beginning of the postwar period, Western Europe and Japan rapidly recovered from the destruction of World War II and sustained strong economic growth through the 1950s and 1960s, increasing their strength compared to the United States. As a result of the 1973 oil crisis, combined with the growing influence of Third World alignments such as the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the Non-Aligned Movement, less-powerful countries had more room to assert their independence and often showed themselves resistant to pressure from either superpower. (EB) Moscow, meanwhile, was forced to turn its attention inward to deal with the Soviet Union's deep-seated domestic economic problems. During this period, Soviet leaders such as Alexei Kosygin and Leonid Brezhnev embraced the notion of détente.[22]
Nevertheless, both superpowers resolved to reinforce their global leadership. Both the Soviet Union and the United States struggled to stave off challenges to their leadership in their own regions. President Lyndon B. Johnson landed 22,000 troops in the Dominican Republic, citing the threat of the emergence of a Cuban-style revolution in Latin America. (see Operation Power Pack)[5] In Eastern Europe, the Soviets in 1968 crushed the Prague Spring reform movement in Czechoslovakia that might have threatened to take the country out of the Warsaw Pact.
The U.S. continued to spend heavily on supporting friendly Third World regimes in Asia. Conflicts in peripheral regions and client states—most prominently in Vietnam—continued.[28] Johnson stationed 575,000 troops in Southeast Asia to defeat the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF) and their North Vietnamese allies, but his costly policy weakened the U.S. economy and, by 1975, ultimately culminated in what most of the world saw as a humiliating defeat of the world's most powerful superpower at the hands of one of the world's poorest nations. Brezhnev, meanwhile, faced far more daunting challenges in reviving the Soviet economy, which was declining in part because of heavy military expenditures.[5]
Although indirect conflict between Cold War powers continued through the late 1960s and early 1970s, tensions began to ease, as the period of détente began.[24] The Chinese had sought improved relations with the U.S. in order to gain advantage over the Soviets. In February 1972, Richard Nixon traveled to Beijing and met with Mao Zedong and Chou En-Lai. Nixon and Henry Kissinger then announced a stunning rapprochement with Mao's China.
Brezhnev and Nixon talk during Brezhnev's June 1973 visit to Washington—a high-water mark in détente between the United States and the Soviet Union.Later, in June, Nixon and Kissinger met with Soviet leaders in Moscow, and announced the first of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, aimed at limiting the development of costly antiballistic missiles and offensive nuclear missiles.[22] Between 1972 and 1974, the two sides also agreed to strengthen their economic ties.[5] Meanwhile, these developments coincided with the "Ostpolitik" of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Other agreements were concluded to stabilize the situation in Europe, culminating in the Helsinki Accords signed by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in 1975.
However, the détente of the 1970s was short-lived. The U.S. Congress limited the economic pact between Nixon and Brezhnev so much that the Soviets repudiated it in 1975.[5] Indirect conflict between the superpowers continued through this period of détente in the Third World, particularly during political crises in the Middle East (see Yom Kippur War), Chile (see Chilean coup of 1973), and Angola (see Angolan Civil War). While President Jimmy Carter tried to place another limit on the arms race with a SALT II agreement in 1979, his efforts were undercut by the other events that year, including the Iranian Revolution and the Nicaraguan Revolution, which both ousted pro-U.S. regimes, and his retaliation against Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December.[5]
The "Second Cold War" (1979-1985)
Main article: Cold War (1979-1985)
In November 1982 American ten-year-old Samantha Smith wrote a letter to the Soviet leader Yuri Andropov expressing her fear of nuclear war, and pleading with him to work toward peace. Surprisingly, Andropov himself replied, and gave her a personal invitation to visit the country, which she accepted. Samantha Smith's visit was one of few prominent attempts to improve relations between the superpowers during Andropov's brief leadership from 1982-1984 at a dangerously low point in U.S.-Soviet relations. Above appears a cover of her book about the experience.The term "second Cold War" has been used by some historians to refer to the period of intensive reawakening of Cold War tensions in the early 1980s.[4] In 1980 Ronald Reagan defeated Jimmy Carter, vowing to increase military spending and confront the Soviets everywhere.[5] Both Reagan and Britain's new prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, denounced the Soviet Union in ideological terms that rivaled that of the worst days of the Cold War in the late 1940s.[11]
Reagan spent $2.2 trillion for the military over eight years. Military spending, combined with the legacy of the economic structural problems of the 1970s, transformed the U.S. from the world's leading creditor in 1981 to the world's leading debtor.[5] Tensions intensified in the early 1980s when Reagan installed U.S. cruise missiles in Europe and announced his experimental "Strategic Defense Initiative," nicknamed "Star Wars," to shoot down missiles in mid-flight. Reagan also imposed economic sanctions to protest the suppression of the opposition Solidarity movement in Poland.
U.S. domestic public concerns about intervening in foreign conflicts persisted from the end of the Vietnam War.[30] But Reagan did not encounter major public opposition to his foreign policies. The Reagan administration emphasized the use of quick, low cost counterinsurgency tactics to intervene in foreign conflicts.[31] In 1983, the Reagan administration intervened in the multisided Lebanese Civil War (see 1983 Beirut barracks bombing), invaded Grenada (see Invasion of Grenada), bombed Libya (see United States bombing of Libya), and backed the Central American Contras—right-wing paramilitaries seeking overthrow the Soviet-aligned Sandinista government in Nicaragua.[32] While Reagan's interventions against Grenada and Libya were popular in the U.S., his backing of the Contra rebels was mired in controversy. In 1985, the president authorized the sale of arms to Iran; later, administration subordinates illegally diverted the proceeds to the Contras. (see Iran-Contra)
Meanwhile, the Soviets incurred high costs for their own foreign interventions. Although Brezhnev was convinced in 1979 that the Soviet war in Afghanistan would be brief, Muslim guerrillas waged a surprisingly fierce resistance against the invasion.[33] The Kremlin sent nearly 100,000 troops to support its puppet regime in Afghanistan, leading many outside observers to call the war the Soviets' Vietnam.[34] However, Moscow's quagmire in Afghanistan was far more disastrous for the Soviets than Vietnam had been for the Americans because the conflict coincided with a period of internal decay and domestic crisis in the Soviet system. A high U.S. State Department official predicted such an outcome as early as 1980, positing that the invasion resulted in part from a "domestic crisis within the Soviet system....It may be that the thermodynamic law of entropy has...caught up with the Soviet system, which now seems to expend more energy on simply maintaining its equilibrium than on improving itself. We could," he construed, "be seeing a period of foreign movement at a time of internal decay."[35]
End of the Cold War
Main article: Cold War (1985-1991)
In a famed address, United States President Ronald Reagan challenges Mikhail Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall, 12 June 1987By the early 1980s, the Soviet armed forces were the largest in the world by many measures—in terms of the numbers and types of weapons they possessed, in the number of troops in their ranks, and in the sheer size of their military-industrial base.[36] However, the quantitative advantages held by the Soviet military often concealed areas where the Eastern bloc dramatically lagged behind the West. This led many U.S. observers to vastly overestimate Soviet power. (LaFeber 2002, 340)
By the late years of the Cold War, Moscow had built up a military that consumed as much as twenty-five percent of the Soviet Union's gross national product at the expense of consumer goods and investment in civilian sectors (LaFeber 2002, 332). But the size of the Soviet armed forces was not necessarily the result of a simple action-reaction arms race with the United States (Odom). Instead, Soviet spending on the arms race and other Cold War commitments can be understood as both a cause and effect of the deep-seated structural problems in the Soviet system, which accumulated at least a decade of economic stagnation during the Brezhnev years (see Economy of the Soviet Union). Soviet investment in the defense sector was not necessarily driven by military necessity, but in large part by the interests of massive party and state bureaucracies dependent on the sector for their own power and privileges (LaFeber 2002, 335).
By the time Mikhail Gorbachev had ascended to power in 1985, the Soviets suffered from an economic growth rate close to zero percent,[citation needed] combined with a sharp fall in hard currency earnings as a result of the downward slide in world oil prices in the 1980s. (LaFaber 2002, 331-333) (Petroleum exports made up around 60 percent of the Soviet Union's total export earnings.) (LaFeber 2002, 332) To restructure the Soviet economy before it collapsed, Gorbachev announced an agenda of rapid reform (see perestroika and glasnost). Reform required Gorbachev to redirect the country's resources from costly Cold War military commitments to more profitable areas in the civilian sector. As a result, Gorbachev offered major concessions to the United States on the levels of conventional forces, nuclear weapons, and policy in Eastern Europe.
Many U.S. Soviet experts and administration officials doubted that Gorbachev was serious about winding down the arms race (LaFeber, 2002), but the new Soviet leader eventually proved more concerned about reversing the Soviet Union's deteriorating economic condition than fighting the arms race with the West. (Palmowski) The Kremlin made major military and political concessions; in response Reagan agreed to renew talks on economic issues and the scaling-back of the arms race. The East-West tensions that had reached intense new heights earlier in the decade rapidly subsided through the mid-to-late 1980s. In 1988, the Soviets officially declared that they would no longer intervene in the affairs of allied states in Eastern Europe. In 1989, Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan.
In December 1989, Gorbachev and George H.W. Bush declared the Cold War officially over at a summit meeting in Malta. [37] But by then, the Soviet alliance system was on the brink of collapse, and the Communist leaders of the Warsaw Pact states were losing power. In the USSR itself, Gorbachev tried to reform the party to destroy resistance to his reforms, but, in doing so, ultimately weakened the bonds that held the state and union together. By February 1990, the Communist Party was forced to surrender its 73-year old monopoly on state power. By December of the next year, the union-state also dissolved, breaking the USSR up into fifteen separate independent states. (see Dissolution of the USSR)
Legacy
Despite its rapid and relatively bloodless end, the Cold War was fought at a tremendous cost globally over the course of more than four decades. It cost the U.S. up to $8 trillion in military expenditures, and the lives of nearly 100,000 Americans in Korea and Vietnam.[38] It cost the Soviets an even higher share of their gross national product. In Southeast Asia, local civil wars were intensified by superpower rivalry, leaving millions dead.
The end of the Cold War gave Russia the chance to cut military spending dramatically, but the adjustment was wrenching. The military-industrial sector employed at least one of every five Soviet adults.[39] Its dismantling left millions throughout the former Soviet Union unemployed. Russian living standards have worsened overall in the post-Cold War years, although the economy has resumed growth in recent years. In the 1990s, Russia suffered an economic downturn more severe than the U.S. or Germany had undergone six decades earlier in the Great Depression after it had embarked on capitalist economic reforms.[40]
The legacy of the Cold War continues to structure world affairs.[4] The Cold War institutionalized the role of the United States in the postwar global economic and political system. By 1989, the U.S. was responsible for military alliances with 50 countries and 1.5 million U.S. troops were posted in 117 countries.[28] The Cold War also institutionalized the commitment to a huge, permanent wartime military-industrial complex.[28]
Some of the economic and social tensions that underpinned Cold War competition in parts of the Third World remain acute. The breakdown of state control in a number of areas formerly ruled by Communist governments has produced new civil and ethnic conflicts, particularly in the former Yugoslavia.[4] In some countries, the breakdown of state control was accompanied by state failure, such as in Afghanistan. But in other areas, particularly much of Eastern Europe, the end of the Cold War was accompanied by a large growth in the number of liberal democracies. In areas where the two superpowers had been waging proxy wars, and subsidizing local conflicts, many conflicts ended with the Cold War; and the occurrence of interstate wars, ethnic wars, revolutionary wars, or refugee and displaced persons crises declined sharply.[41]
The term "Cold War" used in a sense that referred to the tensions of a state like the Soviet Union and its neighbors was coined by George Orwell in an essay titled "You and the Atomic Bomb." The essay was first published October 19, 1945 in the London Tribune. In an excerpt from this essay Orwell wrote:
“ For forty or fifty years past, Mr. H. G. Wells and others have been warning us that man is in danger of destroying himself with his own weapons, leaving the ants or some other gregarious species to take over. Anyone who has seen the ruined cities of Germany will find this notion at least thinkable. Nevertheless, looking at the world as a whole, the drift for many decades has been not towards anarchy but towards the reimposition of slavery. We may be heading not for general breakdown but for an epoch as horribly stable as the slave empires of antiquity. James Burnham's theory has been much discussed, but few people have yet considered its ideological implications — that is, the kind of world-view, the kind of beliefs, and the social structure that would probably prevail in a state which was at once unconquerable and in a permanent state of 'cold war' with its neighbours. ”
The term "cold war" had been used before in a political sense. On March 26, 1938, The Nation ran the headline "Hitler's Cold War". According to Luis Garcia Arias, in his work El Concepto de Guerra y la Denominada "Guerra Fria" (1956), the term was first used by a thirteenth-century Spanish writer named Don Juan Manuel, who used the term "guerra fria" ("cold war") to refer to the coexistence of Islam and Christendom in medieval Spain.
The term "Cold War" was originally thought to have been coined by Bernard Baruch. The Cassell Companion to Quotations cites a speech Baruch gave in South Carolina, April 16, 1947 in which he said, "Let us not be deceived: we are today in the midst of a cold war." The Cassell Companion notes: "The phrase was suggested to Baruch by his speechwriter, Herbert Bayard Swope, who had been using it privately since 1940. The columnist Walter Lippmann gave the term wide currency and is sometimes mistakenly credited with coining it. Swope clearly coined it: Baruch gave it currency. "
Bartlett's Familiar Quotations lists a slight variation on Baruch's quote listing it as "We are in the midst of a cold war which is getting warmer", which Baruch used in a speech before the Senate Committee in 1948 (Bartlett's says he first used the term in 1947).
Pre-Cold War
There is some disagreement over what constitutes the beginning of the Cold War. While most historians say that it began in the period just after World War II, some say that it began towards the end of World War I, though tensions between Russia/USSR and Britain and the United States date back to the middle of the 19th century.
The ideological clash between communism and capitalism began in 1917 following the Russian Revolution, when the USSR emerged as the first major communist power. This was the first event which made Russian-American relations a matter of major, long-term concern to the leaders in each country.
Several events led to suspicion and distrust between the United States and the Soviet Union: US intervention in Russia supporting the White Army in the Bolshevik Revolution, the separate peace treaty which led to Russia's withdrawal from World War I, the Bolsheviks' challenge to capitalism[4], the US refusal to recognize the Soviet Union until 1933[5]. Other events in the period immediately before WWII increased this suspicion and distrust. The British appeasement of Germany and the German-Soviet Non-aggression Pact[5] are two notable examples.
World War II and Post-War (1939-1947)
During the war, the Soviets strongly suspected that the Anglo-Americans had opted to let the Russians bear the brunt of the war effort, to insert themselves only at the last minute so as to influence the peace settlement and dominate Europe. Historians such as John Lewis Gaddis dispute this claim, citing other military and strategic calculations for the timing of the Normandy invasion. Nevertheless, Soviet perceptions (or misconceptions) of the West and vice versa left a strong undercurrent of tension and hostility between the Allied powers.
There was severe disagreement between the Allies about how Europe should look following the war. Both sides, moreover, held very dissimilar ideas regarding the establishment and maintenance of post-war security. The Americans tended to understand security in situational terms, assuming that, if US-style governments and markets were established as widely as possible, countries could resolve their differences peacefully, through international organizations.Soviet leaders, however, tended to understand security in terms of space.This reasoning was conditioned by Russia's historical experiences, given the frequency with which the country had been invaded over the last 150 years.
At the Yalta Conference in February 1945, the Allies attempted to define the framework for a post-war settlement in Europe but could not reach a firm consensus. Following the Allied victory in May, the Soviets effectively occupied Eastern Europe, while the US had much of Western Europe. In occupied Germany, the US and the Soviet Union established zones of occupation and a loose framework for four-power control with the ailing French and British.
Harry S. Truman and Joseph Stalin meeting at the Potsdam Conference on July 18, 1945. From left to right, first row: Stalin, Truman, Soviet Ambassador Andrei Gromyko, Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, and Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov. Second row: Truman confidant Harry Vaughan, Russian interpreter Charles Bohlen, Truman naval aide James K. Vardaman, Jr., and Charles Griffith Ross (partially obscured) .At the Potsdam Conference, starting in late July, serious differences emerged over the future development of Germany and Eastern Europe. One week after the end of the Potsdam Conference, the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki added to Soviet distrust of the United States. Shortly after the attacks, Stalin protested to US officials when Truman offered the Soviets little real influence in occupied Japan.
In February 1946, George F. Kennan's "Long Telegram" from Moscow helped to articulate the growing hard line that was being taken against the Soviets. On September 6, 1946, James F. Byrnes made a speech in Germany, repudiating the Morgenthau Plan and warning the Soviets that the US intended to maintain a military presence in Europe indefinitely. (see Restatement of Policy on Germany) As Byrnes admitted one month later, "The nub of our program was to win the German people [...] it was a battle between us and Russia over minds [....]"A few weeks after the release of this "Long Telegram", former British Prime Minister Winston Churchill delivered his famous "Iron Curtain" speech in Fulton, Missouri. The speech called for an Anglo-American alliance against the Soviets, whom he accused of establishing an "iron curtain" from "Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic."
From "Containment" through the Korean War (1947-1953)
Main article: Cold War (1947-1953)
By 1947, Truman's advisors were worried that time was running out to counter the influence of the Soviet Union.[13] In Europe, post-war economic recovery was faltering, and shortages of food and other essential consumer goods were common. Truman's advisors feared that the Soviet Union was seeking to weaken the position of the US in a period of post-war confusion and collapse.
The event which spurred Truman on to announce formally the US's adopting the policy of "containment" was the British government's announcement in February 1947 that it could no longer afford to finance the Greek monarchical military regime in its civil war against communist-led insurgents. (See Greek Civil War.) Rather than view this war as a civil conflict revolving around domestic issues, US policymakers interpreted it as a Soviet effort; however, the insurgents were helped by Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslavia, not Moscow.[5] Secretary of State Dean Acheson accused the Soviet Union of conspiracy against the Greek royalists in an effort to "expand" into the Middle East, Asia, and Africa, and in March 1947 the administration unveiled the "Truman Doctrine". It "must be the policy of the United States," Truman declared, "to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or outside pressures."
Truman rallied Americans in his famous "Truman Doctrine" speech to spend $400,000,000 on intervention in the civil war in Greece. In order to mobilize an unfriendly Republican Congress, the Democratic president painted the conflict as a contest between "free" peoples and "totalitarian" regimes, thus dramatically heightening the rhetorical stakes of the conflict.[5] By aiding Greece, Truman set a precedent for US aid to regimes, no matter how repressive and corrupt, that requested help to fight communists. [5]
Without the assistance of huge capital resources to rebuild industry transferred from the United States, Western European economies failed to recover from the enormous wartime destruction of the region's infrastructure. Communist parties, meanwhile, were winning large votes in free elections in countries such as France and Italy. American policymakers were worried that economic conditions in Western Europe might deteriorate to the point where communist parties could seize power there, too, through free elections or popular revolutions.[15] Some US policymakers also feared that their own economy might suffer unless effective demand for their exports in Western Europe was restored.[16]
For US policymakers, threats to Europe's balance of power were not necessarily military ones, but a political and economic challenge.[13] George Kennan helped to summarise the problem at the State Department Planning Staff in May 1947: "Communist activities" were not "the root of the difficulties of Western Europe" but rather "the disruptive effects of the war on the economic, political, and social structure of Europe."[17] According to this view, the Communists were "exploiting the European crisis" to gain power.[17] In June, following the recommendations of the State Department Planning Staff, the Truman Doctrine was complemented by the Marshall Plan, a pledge of economic assistance aimed at rebuilding the Western political-economic system and countering perceived threats to Europe's balance of power, which the US had gone to war to restore, from the radical left.[18]
After lobbying by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Generals Clay and Marshall, the Truman administration finally realised that economic recovery in Europe could not go forward without the reconstruction of the German industrial base on which it had previously had been dependent.[19]
In July, Truman rescinded, on "national security grounds",[20] the punitive Morgenthau plan JCS 1067, which had directed the US forces of occupation in Germany to "take no steps looking toward the economic rehabilitation of Germany." It was replaced by JCS 1779, which stressed instead that "[a]n orderly, prosperous Europe requires the economic contributions of a stable and productive Germany."[21]
President Truman signs the National Security Act Amendment of 1949 with guests in the Oval Office.Also in July, Truman reorganised his government to fight the Cold War. The National Security Act of 1947, signed by Truman on July 26, created a unified Department of Defence, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the National Security Council. These would become the main bureaucracies for US policy in the Cold War.[22]
The twin policies of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan led to billions in economic and military aid to Western Europe, and Greece and Turkey. With US assistance, the Greek military won its civil war, and the Italian Christian Democrats defeated the powerful Communist-Socialist alliance in the elections of 1948.[22]
European economic alliances
European military alliancesThe US consolidated its new role as leader of the West. In retaliation to Western moves to reunite West Germany, Stalin built blockades to block western access to West Berlin, but Truman maintained supply lines to the enclave by flying supplies in over the blockade from 1948 to '49. (see Berlin Blockade)
The US formally allied itself to the Western European states in the North Atlantic Treaty of 1949, establishing the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Stalin countered by tying together the economies of the Eastern bloc in a Soviet-led version of the Marshall Plan, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON), and exploding the first Soviet atomic device in August 1949.[5]
The US took the lead in re-establishing West Germany from the three Western zones of occupation in 1949.[11] To counter this Western reorganisation of Germany, the Soviet Union proclaimed its zone of occupation in Germany the "German Democratic Republic" in 1949.[11] In the early 1950s, the US worked for the rearmament of West Germany and, in 1955, its full membership to NATO.[11]
In 1949 Mao's Red Army defeated the US-backed Kuomintang regime in China. Shortly afterwards, the Soviet Union created an alliance with the new People's Republic of China. Confronted with the Chinese Revolution and the end of the US atomic monopoly in 1949, the Truman administration quickly moved to escalate and expand the containment policy.[5] In a secret 1950 document, NSC-68, Truman administration officials proposed to reinforce pro-Western alliance systems and quadruple spending on defence.[5]
US officials moved thereafter to expand "containment" into Asia, Africa, and Latin America.[citation needed] At the same time, revolutionary nationalist movements, often led by Communist parties, were fighting against the restoration of Europe's colonial empires in South-East Asia. The US formalised an alliance with Japan in the early 1950s, thereby guaranteeing Washington a number of long-term military bases. Truman also brought other states, including Australia, New Zealand, Thailand and the Philippines, into a series of alliances.[11]
To Stalin's surprise, Truman committed US forces to drive back the North Koreans.[5] Public opinion in countries such as Great Britain, usual allies of the U.S., was divided for and against the war. British Attorney General Sir Hartley Shawcross repudiated the sentiment of those opposed when he said "I know there are some who think that the horror and devastation of a world war now would be so frightful, whoever won, and the damage to civilization so lasting, that it would be better to submit to Communist domination. I understand that view - but I reject it. [23] In 1953, the Korean War ended in stalemate, but the US gradually got itself entangled in another civil war. The US supported the South Vietnamese government against North Vietnam, which was backed by the Soviet Union and China.[11]
Crisis and escalation (1953-1962)
Main article: Cold War (1953-1962)
The United States was the leading superpower of the capitalist west.
The Soviet Union was the leading superpower of the communist east.In 1953 changes in political leadership on both sides shifted the dynamic of the Cold War.[22] Dwight D. Eisenhower was inaugurated president in January 1953. During the last 18 months of the Truman administration, the US defense budget had quadrupled; and Eisenhower resolved to reduce military spending by brandishing the United States' nuclear superiority while continuing to fight the Cold War effectively.[5] In March Joseph Stalin died, and the Soviets, now led by Nikita Khrushchev, moved away from Stalin's policies.[22]
Eisenhower's secretary of state, John Foster Dulles initiated a "New Look" for the "containment" strategy, calling for a greater reliance on nuclear weapons to US enemies.[22] Dulles also enunciated the doctrine of "massive retaliation," threatening a severe U.S response to any Soviet aggression. Possessing nuclear superiority, for example, Eisenhower curtailed Soviet threats to intervene in the Middle East during the 1956 Suez Crisis.[5]
There was a slight relaxation of tensions after Stalin's death in 1953, but the Cold War in Europe remained an uneasy armed truce.[24] US troops seemed stationed indefinitely in West Germany and Soviet forces seemed indefinitely stationed throughout Eastern Europe. To counter West German rearmament, the Soviets established a formal alliance with the Eastern European Communist states termed the Warsaw Pact Treaty Organization or Warsaw Pact in 1955.[11] In 1956, the status quo was briefly threatened in Hungary, when the Soviets invaded rather than allow the Hungarians to move out of their orbit (see Hungarian Revolution of 1956). Berlin remained divided and contested. In 1961, the East Germans erected the "Berlin Wall" to prevent the movement of East Berliners into West Berlin.
In the US, Wisconsin senator Joseph McCarthy emerged as an influential proponent of a hard-line stance on the Cold War. Although the president quietly deplored his demagoguery, the senator exploited anti-Soviet sentiment when alleging a communist conspiracy to take over the US government, leading to a massive political witch-hunt.
During the 1950s, the Third World was an increasingly important arena of Cold War competition. After the Second World War, the US emerged as the predominant power in the Third World, filling the vacuum of the old imperial hegemony of its principal Cold War allies—the traditional Western European colonial powers (particularly the UK, France, and the Netherlands).[25] However, nationalists in many postcolonial states were often unsympathetic to the Western bloc. [26] Adjusting to decolonization, meanwhile, was a difficult process economically and psychologically for European powers; and NATO suffered, as it included all the world's major colonial empires.[27]
Nationalist movements in some countries and regions, notably Guatemala, Iran, the Philippines, and Indochina were often allied with communist groups—or at least were perceived in the West to be allied with communists.[22] In this context, the US and the Soviet Union increasingly competed for influence by proxy in the Third World as decolonization gained momentum in the 1950s and early 1960s. The US government utilized the CIA in order to remove a string of unfriendly Third World governments and to support others.[22] The US used the CIA to overthrow governments suspected by Washington of turning pro-Soviet, including Iran's first democratically elected government under Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh in 1953 (see Operation Ajax) and Guatemala's democratically-elected president Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in 1954 (see Operation PBSUCCESS) Between 1954 and 1961, the US sent economic aid and military advisors to stem the collapse of South Vietnam's pro-Western regime.[5]
Many emerging nations of Asia, Africa, and Latin America rejected the pressure to choose sides in the East-West competition. In 1955, at the Bandung Conference in Indonesia dozens of Third World governments resolved to stay out of the Cold War. The consensus reach at Bandung culminated with the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961.[22] Meanwhile, Khrushchev broadened Moscow's policy to establish ties with India and other key neutral states. Independence movements in the Third World transformed the postwar order into a more pluralistic world of decolonized African and Middle Eastern nations and of rising nationalism in Asia and Latin America.[5]
Above the leaders of the major Non-Aligned states meet at the United Nations in New York in October 1960. From left to right: Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India, President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, President Sukarno of Indonesia and President Josip Broz Tito of Yugoslavia.During the 1950s, the US and the USSR pursued nuclear rearmament and developed long-range weapons with which they could strike the territory of the other.[11] The Soviets developed their own hydrogen bomb and, in 1957, launched the first earth satellite. However, the period after 1956 was marked by serious setbacks for the Soviet Union, most notably the breakdown of the Sino-Soviet alliance. (see Sino-Soviet Split) Before Khrushchev's ousting in 1964, the Soviets focused on a bitter rivalry with Mao's China for leadership of the global communist movement.
The nuclear arms race brought the two superpowers to the brink of nuclear war. Khrushchev formed an alliance with Fidel Castro after the Cuban Revolution in 1959. In 1962, President John F. Kennedy responded to the installation of nuclear missiles in Cuba with a naval blockade—a show of force that brought the world close to nuclear war. [28] The Cuban Missile Crisis showed that neither superpower was ready to use nuclear weapons for fear of the other's retaliation, and thus of mutually assured destruction. The aftermath of the crisis led to the first efforts at nuclear disarmament and improving relations. [24]
From confrontation through détente (1962-1979)
Main article: Cold War (1962-1979)
On April 29, 1975, the last U.S. helicopters remove Americans and friends from Saigon as South Vietnam falls.In the course of the 1960s and 1970s, both the U.S. and the Soviet Union struggled to adjust to a new, more complicated pattern of international relations in which the world was no longer divided into two clearly opposed blocs by the two superpowers.[29] Since the beginning of the postwar period, Western Europe and Japan rapidly recovered from the destruction of World War II and sustained strong economic growth through the 1950s and 1960s, increasing their strength compared to the United States. As a result of the 1973 oil crisis, combined with the growing influence of Third World alignments such as the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the Non-Aligned Movement, less-powerful countries had more room to assert their independence and often showed themselves resistant to pressure from either superpower. (EB) Moscow, meanwhile, was forced to turn its attention inward to deal with the Soviet Union's deep-seated domestic economic problems. During this period, Soviet leaders such as Alexei Kosygin and Leonid Brezhnev embraced the notion of détente.[22]
Nevertheless, both superpowers resolved to reinforce their global leadership. Both the Soviet Union and the United States struggled to stave off challenges to their leadership in their own regions. President Lyndon B. Johnson landed 22,000 troops in the Dominican Republic, citing the threat of the emergence of a Cuban-style revolution in Latin America. (see Operation Power Pack)[5] In Eastern Europe, the Soviets in 1968 crushed the Prague Spring reform movement in Czechoslovakia that might have threatened to take the country out of the Warsaw Pact.
The U.S. continued to spend heavily on supporting friendly Third World regimes in Asia. Conflicts in peripheral regions and client states—most prominently in Vietnam—continued.[28] Johnson stationed 575,000 troops in Southeast Asia to defeat the National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam (NLF) and their North Vietnamese allies, but his costly policy weakened the U.S. economy and, by 1975, ultimately culminated in what most of the world saw as a humiliating defeat of the world's most powerful superpower at the hands of one of the world's poorest nations. Brezhnev, meanwhile, faced far more daunting challenges in reviving the Soviet economy, which was declining in part because of heavy military expenditures.[5]
Although indirect conflict between Cold War powers continued through the late 1960s and early 1970s, tensions began to ease, as the period of détente began.[24] The Chinese had sought improved relations with the U.S. in order to gain advantage over the Soviets. In February 1972, Richard Nixon traveled to Beijing and met with Mao Zedong and Chou En-Lai. Nixon and Henry Kissinger then announced a stunning rapprochement with Mao's China.
Brezhnev and Nixon talk during Brezhnev's June 1973 visit to Washington—a high-water mark in détente between the United States and the Soviet Union.Later, in June, Nixon and Kissinger met with Soviet leaders in Moscow, and announced the first of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, aimed at limiting the development of costly antiballistic missiles and offensive nuclear missiles.[22] Between 1972 and 1974, the two sides also agreed to strengthen their economic ties.[5] Meanwhile, these developments coincided with the "Ostpolitik" of West German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Other agreements were concluded to stabilize the situation in Europe, culminating in the Helsinki Accords signed by the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe in 1975.
However, the détente of the 1970s was short-lived. The U.S. Congress limited the economic pact between Nixon and Brezhnev so much that the Soviets repudiated it in 1975.[5] Indirect conflict between the superpowers continued through this period of détente in the Third World, particularly during political crises in the Middle East (see Yom Kippur War), Chile (see Chilean coup of 1973), and Angola (see Angolan Civil War). While President Jimmy Carter tried to place another limit on the arms race with a SALT II agreement in 1979, his efforts were undercut by the other events that year, including the Iranian Revolution and the Nicaraguan Revolution, which both ousted pro-U.S. regimes, and his retaliation against Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in December.[5]
The "Second Cold War" (1979-1985)
Main article: Cold War (1979-1985)
In November 1982 American ten-year-old Samantha Smith wrote a letter to the Soviet leader Yuri Andropov expressing her fear of nuclear war, and pleading with him to work toward peace. Surprisingly, Andropov himself replied, and gave her a personal invitation to visit the country, which she accepted. Samantha Smith's visit was one of few prominent attempts to improve relations between the superpowers during Andropov's brief leadership from 1982-1984 at a dangerously low point in U.S.-Soviet relations. Above appears a cover of her book about the experience.The term "second Cold War" has been used by some historians to refer to the period of intensive reawakening of Cold War tensions in the early 1980s.[4] In 1980 Ronald Reagan defeated Jimmy Carter, vowing to increase military spending and confront the Soviets everywhere.[5] Both Reagan and Britain's new prime minister, Margaret Thatcher, denounced the Soviet Union in ideological terms that rivaled that of the worst days of the Cold War in the late 1940s.[11]
Reagan spent $2.2 trillion for the military over eight years. Military spending, combined with the legacy of the economic structural problems of the 1970s, transformed the U.S. from the world's leading creditor in 1981 to the world's leading debtor.[5] Tensions intensified in the early 1980s when Reagan installed U.S. cruise missiles in Europe and announced his experimental "Strategic Defense Initiative," nicknamed "Star Wars," to shoot down missiles in mid-flight. Reagan also imposed economic sanctions to protest the suppression of the opposition Solidarity movement in Poland.
U.S. domestic public concerns about intervening in foreign conflicts persisted from the end of the Vietnam War.[30] But Reagan did not encounter major public opposition to his foreign policies. The Reagan administration emphasized the use of quick, low cost counterinsurgency tactics to intervene in foreign conflicts.[31] In 1983, the Reagan administration intervened in the multisided Lebanese Civil War (see 1983 Beirut barracks bombing), invaded Grenada (see Invasion of Grenada), bombed Libya (see United States bombing of Libya), and backed the Central American Contras—right-wing paramilitaries seeking overthrow the Soviet-aligned Sandinista government in Nicaragua.[32] While Reagan's interventions against Grenada and Libya were popular in the U.S., his backing of the Contra rebels was mired in controversy. In 1985, the president authorized the sale of arms to Iran; later, administration subordinates illegally diverted the proceeds to the Contras. (see Iran-Contra)
Meanwhile, the Soviets incurred high costs for their own foreign interventions. Although Brezhnev was convinced in 1979 that the Soviet war in Afghanistan would be brief, Muslim guerrillas waged a surprisingly fierce resistance against the invasion.[33] The Kremlin sent nearly 100,000 troops to support its puppet regime in Afghanistan, leading many outside observers to call the war the Soviets' Vietnam.[34] However, Moscow's quagmire in Afghanistan was far more disastrous for the Soviets than Vietnam had been for the Americans because the conflict coincided with a period of internal decay and domestic crisis in the Soviet system. A high U.S. State Department official predicted such an outcome as early as 1980, positing that the invasion resulted in part from a "domestic crisis within the Soviet system....It may be that the thermodynamic law of entropy has...caught up with the Soviet system, which now seems to expend more energy on simply maintaining its equilibrium than on improving itself. We could," he construed, "be seeing a period of foreign movement at a time of internal decay."[35]
End of the Cold War
Main article: Cold War (1985-1991)
In a famed address, United States President Ronald Reagan challenges Mikhail Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall, 12 June 1987By the early 1980s, the Soviet armed forces were the largest in the world by many measures—in terms of the numbers and types of weapons they possessed, in the number of troops in their ranks, and in the sheer size of their military-industrial base.[36] However, the quantitative advantages held by the Soviet military often concealed areas where the Eastern bloc dramatically lagged behind the West. This led many U.S. observers to vastly overestimate Soviet power. (LaFeber 2002, 340)
By the late years of the Cold War, Moscow had built up a military that consumed as much as twenty-five percent of the Soviet Union's gross national product at the expense of consumer goods and investment in civilian sectors (LaFeber 2002, 332). But the size of the Soviet armed forces was not necessarily the result of a simple action-reaction arms race with the United States (Odom). Instead, Soviet spending on the arms race and other Cold War commitments can be understood as both a cause and effect of the deep-seated structural problems in the Soviet system, which accumulated at least a decade of economic stagnation during the Brezhnev years (see Economy of the Soviet Union). Soviet investment in the defense sector was not necessarily driven by military necessity, but in large part by the interests of massive party and state bureaucracies dependent on the sector for their own power and privileges (LaFeber 2002, 335).
By the time Mikhail Gorbachev had ascended to power in 1985, the Soviets suffered from an economic growth rate close to zero percent,[citation needed] combined with a sharp fall in hard currency earnings as a result of the downward slide in world oil prices in the 1980s. (LaFaber 2002, 331-333) (Petroleum exports made up around 60 percent of the Soviet Union's total export earnings.) (LaFeber 2002, 332) To restructure the Soviet economy before it collapsed, Gorbachev announced an agenda of rapid reform (see perestroika and glasnost). Reform required Gorbachev to redirect the country's resources from costly Cold War military commitments to more profitable areas in the civilian sector. As a result, Gorbachev offered major concessions to the United States on the levels of conventional forces, nuclear weapons, and policy in Eastern Europe.
Many U.S. Soviet experts and administration officials doubted that Gorbachev was serious about winding down the arms race (LaFeber, 2002), but the new Soviet leader eventually proved more concerned about reversing the Soviet Union's deteriorating economic condition than fighting the arms race with the West. (Palmowski) The Kremlin made major military and political concessions; in response Reagan agreed to renew talks on economic issues and the scaling-back of the arms race. The East-West tensions that had reached intense new heights earlier in the decade rapidly subsided through the mid-to-late 1980s. In 1988, the Soviets officially declared that they would no longer intervene in the affairs of allied states in Eastern Europe. In 1989, Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan.
In December 1989, Gorbachev and George H.W. Bush declared the Cold War officially over at a summit meeting in Malta. [37] But by then, the Soviet alliance system was on the brink of collapse, and the Communist leaders of the Warsaw Pact states were losing power. In the USSR itself, Gorbachev tried to reform the party to destroy resistance to his reforms, but, in doing so, ultimately weakened the bonds that held the state and union together. By February 1990, the Communist Party was forced to surrender its 73-year old monopoly on state power. By December of the next year, the union-state also dissolved, breaking the USSR up into fifteen separate independent states. (see Dissolution of the USSR)
Legacy
Despite its rapid and relatively bloodless end, the Cold War was fought at a tremendous cost globally over the course of more than four decades. It cost the U.S. up to $8 trillion in military expenditures, and the lives of nearly 100,000 Americans in Korea and Vietnam.[38] It cost the Soviets an even higher share of their gross national product. In Southeast Asia, local civil wars were intensified by superpower rivalry, leaving millions dead.
The end of the Cold War gave Russia the chance to cut military spending dramatically, but the adjustment was wrenching. The military-industrial sector employed at least one of every five Soviet adults.[39] Its dismantling left millions throughout the former Soviet Union unemployed. Russian living standards have worsened overall in the post-Cold War years, although the economy has resumed growth in recent years. In the 1990s, Russia suffered an economic downturn more severe than the U.S. or Germany had undergone six decades earlier in the Great Depression after it had embarked on capitalist economic reforms.[40]
The legacy of the Cold War continues to structure world affairs.[4] The Cold War institutionalized the role of the United States in the postwar global economic and political system. By 1989, the U.S. was responsible for military alliances with 50 countries and 1.5 million U.S. troops were posted in 117 countries.[28] The Cold War also institutionalized the commitment to a huge, permanent wartime military-industrial complex.[28]
Some of the economic and social tensions that underpinned Cold War competition in parts of the Third World remain acute. The breakdown of state control in a number of areas formerly ruled by Communist governments has produced new civil and ethnic conflicts, particularly in the former Yugoslavia.[4] In some countries, the breakdown of state control was accompanied by state failure, such as in Afghanistan. But in other areas, particularly much of Eastern Europe, the end of the Cold War was accompanied by a large growth in the number of liberal democracies. In areas where the two superpowers had been waging proxy wars, and subsidizing local conflicts, many conflicts ended with the Cold War; and the occurrence of interstate wars, ethnic wars, revolutionary wars, or refugee and displaced persons crises declined sharply.[41]
The cold war
THE COLD WAR: ITS CONCEPT
The Cold War was the period of conflict, tension and competition between the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective allies from the mid-1940s until the early 1990s. Throughout the period, the rivalry between the two superpowers was played out in multiple arenas: military coalitions; ideology, psychology, and espionage; military, industrial, and technological developments, including the space race; costly defense spending; a massive conventional and nuclear arms race; and many proxy wars.
There was never a direct military engagement between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, but there was half a century of military buildup as well as political battles for support around the world, including significant involvement of allied and satellite nations in proxy wars. Although the U.S. and the Soviet Union had been allied against Nazi Germany, the two sides differed on how to reconstruct the postwar world even before the end of World War II. Over the following decades, the Cold War spread outside Europe to every region of the world, as the U.S. sought the "containment" of communism and forged numerous alliances to this end, particularly in Western Europe, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. There were repeated crises that threatened to escalate into world wars but never did, notably the Berlin Blockade (1948-1949), the Korean War (1950-1953), the Vietnam War (1959-1975), the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962), and the Soviet-Afghan War (1979-1989). There were also periods when tension was reduced as both sides sought détente. Direct military attacks on adversaries were deterred by the potential for mutual assured destruction using deliverable nuclear weapons.
The Cold War drew to a close in the late 1980s following Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's summit conferences with United States President Ronald Reagan, as well as Gorbachev's launching of reform programs: perestroika and glasnost. The Soviet Union consequently ceded power over Eastern Europe and was dissolved
The Cold War was the period of conflict, tension and competition between the United States and the Soviet Union and their respective allies from the mid-1940s until the early 1990s. Throughout the period, the rivalry between the two superpowers was played out in multiple arenas: military coalitions; ideology, psychology, and espionage; military, industrial, and technological developments, including the space race; costly defense spending; a massive conventional and nuclear arms race; and many proxy wars.
There was never a direct military engagement between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, but there was half a century of military buildup as well as political battles for support around the world, including significant involvement of allied and satellite nations in proxy wars. Although the U.S. and the Soviet Union had been allied against Nazi Germany, the two sides differed on how to reconstruct the postwar world even before the end of World War II. Over the following decades, the Cold War spread outside Europe to every region of the world, as the U.S. sought the "containment" of communism and forged numerous alliances to this end, particularly in Western Europe, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. There were repeated crises that threatened to escalate into world wars but never did, notably the Berlin Blockade (1948-1949), the Korean War (1950-1953), the Vietnam War (1959-1975), the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962), and the Soviet-Afghan War (1979-1989). There were also periods when tension was reduced as both sides sought détente. Direct military attacks on adversaries were deterred by the potential for mutual assured destruction using deliverable nuclear weapons.
The Cold War drew to a close in the late 1980s following Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev's summit conferences with United States President Ronald Reagan, as well as Gorbachev's launching of reform programs: perestroika and glasnost. The Soviet Union consequently ceded power over Eastern Europe and was dissolved
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